Subsistence of the Ortni People

The Ortni Group practices what anthropologists call swidden farming (sometimes called “slash-and-burn” horticulture). As noted by Haviland in Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge, swidden farming is “an ecologically sophisticated and sustainable way of raising food, especially in the tropics” (pg. 164). To grow their food, Ortni men begin by cutting down a section of the forest and then burning the fallen trees. This creates a fertile ground on which Ortni women plant sweet potatoes, corn, pumpkins, maniok, bananas, and sugar cane.

Over 80% of the Ortni Group’s diet comes from their gardens. The rest comes from hunting by men and gathering by women. Men hunt with bows and arrows made from black palm and bamboo. Men hunt large game in the rainforests surrounding their villages, but are generally unsuccessful. Women are much more successful in finding protein for consumption. They gather tadpoles with the use of nets made from the stringy fibers of the “nimbum” tree. Women also gather seasonal wild berries and nuts. (Notice how I have mentioned how we use items in our environment for survival. These first two paragraphs have sufficiently described Ortni subsistence patterns, in the next two paragraphs I compare these practices with other groups around the world and then discuss how these patterns are integrated with other aspects of Ortni culture)

The swidden farming form of subsistence is very common throughout the world. The Mekranoti Kayapo (mentioned on page 165 of the text) practice a similar mode of subsistence, as do the Nekalimin of Papua New Guinea (Professor Wesch’s study) and the people of Chiapas, Mexico (see picture on page 164). As noted by Haviland, the system produces between 10 to 20 calories for each calorie of work put in. In contrast, the high-tech farming techniques of the Nacirema actually require more energy input than they produce. An analysis of the Mekranoti by D. Werner revealed that they only work 8.5 hours on their gardens each week and spend the rest of their time hunting, fishing, and doing various small jobs that most Nacirema would consider part of their “leisure time.” (note the comparisons to several cultures here – both similar and different)

While their method of horticulture is very efficient, it is not as productive as intensive agriculture, and so it only supports small populations. Therefore the Ortni Group tends to live in small villages, often no larger than 50 people in each village. As you will read in other sections of this ethnography, this has important effects on the rest of their cultural patterns. Due to the small population there is no need for formal laws or leadership. Most disputes and breaches can be handled informally through group discussion, gossip, and ridicule. If a dispute cannot be settled, it often leads to the breakup of a village, which actually is beneficial to their subsistence as it allows people to farm on land that is virtually untouched and very fertile. Frequent movements fit with their ambilineal kinship organization and ambilocal residence patterns. Furthermore, due to the fact that most people will intimately know everybody they will ever see in their lifetimes, they place a strong value on interpersonal relationships and friendliness. They are very sophisticated in negotiating troublesome relationships and healing interpersonal wounds through a variety of group rituals, not least of which is the simple “interlocking elbow” greeting, offered unconditionally to everyone everyday, symbolizing their eternal “links” to one another. (note how I have stated how Ortni subsistence is integrated with the other major levels of culture – social structure and superstructure)


(note that you should cite outside work, and link to web-based materials that you have used in researching your part of the project.)